China’s New Map – Growing Regional Anxieties
Source : Wikimedia Commons
On August 28, China’s Ministry of Natural Resources released a new Standard Map Edition 2023. From the high Himalayas to vast maritime spaces, the new Chinese map includes territories that belong to other countries. The scale of the proposed territorial grab is astounding, and the new map has generated considerable consternation in India and among many Southeast Asian countries.
There were earlier instances of China releasing such maps. However, in the recent past, China’s territorial assertions in continental and maritime domains have increased significantly. The map’s release happened in the context of China’s ongoing aggressive tactics and grey zone violations along the borders with India, Japan, Taiwan and the South China Sea. Therefore, the new map is now seen not as a negotiation tool but as a declaration by Beijing that it would control the mentioned territories in the near future.
An interesting dimension in the new map has been the renewed claims pertaining to an island with Russia. In 2005, both sides agreed to resolve the Bolshoi Ussuriysky Island border dispute at that confluence of the Ussuri and Amur rivers. In 2008, the Island was partitioned between the two countries. The Russian foreign ministry, in a statement in 2008,reportedly said, “the border issue, a historical legacy that had been left to Russia and China, has received its complete and final resolution.” There is a perception in the international media that China is now claiming the entirety of the Island. However, the Russian foreign ministry spokesperson, Maria Zakharova, denied the possibility of reopening the border dispute. Maria Zakharova noted that both countries “adhere to the unified position that the border issue between our countries has been finally resolved” and that the two countries “have repeatedly confirmed the absence of mutual territorial claims.”
In its new map, Beijing has expanded its claim line in the South China Sea. While China for long had articulated its claim in the South China Sea, Beijing formally unveiled the nine-dash line in diplomatic notes it submitted to the United Nations in 2009. It was unclear as to whether the nine-dash line implied that only the territories within the nine-dash line belonged to China or whether all the maritime and territorial spaces falling within the nine-dash line were claimed by China. In 2016, the Permanent Court Of Arbitration, in its verdict, stated that China’s claims to “historic rights, or other sovereign rights.. are contrary to the Convention [UNCLOS] and without lawful effect.” China had refused to accept the verdict. While the nine-dash line itself was contentious, China advanced a ‘10-dash line’ in its new map. The additional dash was added to the east of Taiwan. Not surprisingly, Taiwan criticised the new map, and its Foreign Ministry spokesperson observed that “no matter how the Chinese government twists its position on Taiwan’s sovereignty, it cannot change the objective fact of our country’s existence.” It is well known that in the recent past, there has been growing tension in the Taiwan Strait and an increased incidence of Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) violations by China.
China and the Philippines relations are also experiencing increased stress recently. In August this year, the Philippine Coast Guard, while attempting to supply their troops in Ayungin Shoal/Second Thomas Shoal, was attacked by China’s Coast Guard with water cannons. The release of the new map has contributed to greater disappointment in Manila. The Philippines Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) stated that the new map is a “latest attempt to legitimise China’s purported sovereignty and jurisdiction over Philippine features and maritime zones” and has no validity under the UNCLOS. While Vietnam’s foreign ministry rejected ‘claims based on the dashed line,’ Malaysia’s foreign ministry called on all parties to “implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea comprehensively and effectively.”
It should be noted that China’s new map was released a week before the 43rd Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in Indonesia. There were reports that the Philippines wanted to push for a more forceful joint statement regarding the developments in the South China Sea.
There is a growing pessimism in the Southeast Asian countries that China is not committed to resolving the South China Sea dispute. After adopting the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties (DOC) in the South China Sea in November 2002, the negotiations on legally binding Conduct of Conduct (COC)are progressing at a glacial pace, primarily due to Chinese intransigence. The new map with the Ten-dash line has reinforced the perception that the Chinese are trying to leverage their asymmetric power to their advantage in the South China Sea.
On the continental domain, China’s new map depicted large tracts of Indian Territory (Arunachal Pradesh and Aksai Chin) as part of China. The two countries have an ongoing tense stand-off in the Ladakh region. While there have been about 19 rounds of military talks between the two militaries in eastern Ladakh, the progress has been excruciatingly slow. Amid these developments, releasing a new map only validated the opinion in India that China is not keen on a negotiated settlement to the ongoing crisis. The Indian Ministry of External Affairs lodged a strong protest with the Chinese side, and its spokesperson stated, “we reject these claims as they have no basis…such steps by the Chinese side only complicate the resolution of the boundary question.” In a sharp response, India’s External Affairs Minister noted that “making absurd claims does not make other people’s territories yours.”
Japan also was irked by the new map as it referred to Japan’s Senkaku islands as the Chinese territory (Diaoyu Islands). Japan’s Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirokazu Matsuno “urged Beijing to rescind the map” and added that the islands are “indisputably an inherent part of Japanese territory, both historically and under international law.” The United States expressed its solidarity with its allies in the South China Sea and the Pacific. The State Department spokesperson on September 5, 2023, stated that the US rejected ‘the unlawful maritime claims’ and called on China to “comport its maritime claims in the South China Sea and elsewhere with the International Law of the Sea, as reflected in the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea.”
In response to mounting criticism, the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson called on the ‘relevant sides’ in the region to “stay objective and calm and refrain from over-interpreting the issue.” At the ASEAN Summit, Chinese Premier Li Qiang called on the countries in the region to move “away from the erosion and impact of a new Cold War or zero-sum mentality.” These statements suggest that the onus on addressing the growing regional tensions is with the other countries and not China.
It is important that the countries in the region clearly understand China’s approach to territorial disputes. First, the shift from the Nine-dash line to the Ten-dash line suggests that Chinese claims will continue to expand. In fact, China has a history of expanding its territorial claims. For instance, the 1956 Chinese claim line in Aksai Chin in India kept moving westwards in subsequent years. Second, territorial agreements with China are not written in stone. After settling boundary disputes with Russia, it now appears that China may likely reopen the territorial disputes. Third, the Chinese leadership perceives that the balance of power is loaded in its favour and, therefore, should make the most of the existing window of opportunity. Given the scale of persistent territorial claims and aggressive actions of China, it is time for the countries in the region to think of a coordinated response. And such a coordinated response should consist of geopolitical and geo-economic tactics.
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Sanjay Pulipaka is the Chairperson of the Politeia Research Foundation. The views expressed here are personal views.
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